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To rebel is right, to disobey is a duty, to act is necessary ! |
A Kucinich delegate in Boston and the totalitarian democratic party 10 comments July 31, 2004 I have been home a bit more than a day, and I wanted to give my perspective on the convention in Boston. The first thing I want to say is that the entire convention was a sham. Perhaps I was naïve, but I went in with the perspective of Duluth (the MN Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party State Convention in May), where there was lots of expression from the delegates, including wrangling over platform, motions from the floor, significant interactions with other delegates. None of that was true in Boston; there were no discussions of platform, no microphones on the floor at all, no negotiations of any kind, no input of any kind from the delegates. By the end of the first night, I was very deeply upset, muttering things about "Stepford delegates" and wondering why they didn’t just get the crowd as extras from Central Casting, instead of going through the delegate selection process they did. "Lock-step" doesn’t begin to cover the management of delegates by our minders. Since we were told that we could not bring in signs, I didn’t, but I made a sign on-site that said simply "Peace." It was confiscated, and in a very clever way that left me with no possibility of confrontation. For the first two days, they were ambivalent about the pink scarves we had printed that said "Give Bush The Pink Slip; Delegate for Peace." By Tuesday night, they were confiscating them by the hundreds at the metal detectors, and then going around the hall taking them from individuals. We confronted them on that one and got them to back off, but it was a tense battle that carried the risk of being ejected from the hall. There was very tight control, even over the choreographed signs they passed out. If you held up a sign too early or too late, you got a reprimand. For example, if you held up a basically red Edwards sign from 15 minutes ago when everyone else was holding up the blue Edwards sign, you were in a bit of trouble. I saved myself grief by not holding up any of their silly signs. So I want to say very clearly that this convention had absolutely nothing to do with grassroots politics or representative democracy. It was designed as a high-end infomercial. There was a constant drumbeat for "unity" and "message." Sadly, the message was entirely about how qualified John Kerry was to lead our nation in war. There was no mention of our desire for peace, except for some of Dennis’s comments and a few unscripted remarks by Sharpton. One of my biggest goals in attending the convention was to deliver a warning to a high level Kerry advisor. I believe that their strategy of selling Kerry as a more efficient war-monger is extremely dangerous. They run the risk of tens of millions of people staying home, since they see little distinction between Kerry and Bush when it comes to the war. I got my chance on Sunday, when I attended a teachers’ union meeting with Kerry’s pollster Mark Millner. After his semi-rousing speech, they asked for questions, and I obliged. I asked if he didn’t think it was dangerous to ignore the millions of people who want us to end the occupation in Iraq, since it risks them staying home instead of voting. He replied that it was all the fault of the God-damned Republicans who were paying to get Nader on the ballot. I came back, saying that I was not talking about Nader or Republicans, but loyal Democrats who wanted to vote for somebody against the war in Iraq. He repeated his Republicans/Nader mantra again. In other words, they have their plan: Run like Bush-lite, then blame Nader when you lose. As I talk to you now about the actual delegate vote, I want to be very specific about the exact sorts of pressure we were all feeling. Going into the convention, Kucinich had already released his delegates and strongly requested that they vote for Kerry on the first ballot. After Sunday’s emotional meeting, Dennis became clear that he could not direct our votes that easily, that many felt bound by conscience to vote for him, despite his unity urgings. Or perhaps it was rather that many delegates could not morally vote for Kerry while he voiced support for war and for the occupation. At our Minnesota state delegation level, the pressure was enormous. I imagine it was the same in other states. Dennis had released our votes; if we didn’t follow our leader, he would lose all credibility at the national level. Dennis was not even on the ballot; if we voted for him, it would only be recorded as "present" - - a sort of abstention. We were in a life or death fight against Bush and party unity was paramount; if we voted for Kucinich, it would be our fault if Bush won, and the state and local Democrats would be unwilling to work with us on anything - - our credibility with the party would be finished. In that context, there was absolutely nothing to be gained by voting for Dennis, but everything to lose. In that context, our Kucinich votes would not be seen as votes in favor of peace and progressive issues, merely signs of party disloyalty which would benefit the Republicans. Nearly all of my fellow delegates, in deep anguish, abandoned what they saw as a quixotic fight, in favor of building alliances within the party. I held out for some language of withdrawal from Iraq as a condition, got stubborn, and became very much the spoiler in what would have been a very practical deal. In the end, I became weary of so much talk about strategy. I just couldn’t vote for a guy who spoke so fondly about a more international and more efficient occupation of another country. It just doesn’t fit with what Mrs. Walker taught me back in the 3rd grade, about self-determination, the Declaration of Independence, and who has the right to rule a people. The next morning, I gave a speech to the Minnesota delegation, explaining my vote of conscience, and my hopes for cooperation. In the end, I do not know whether the DFLers will work with the Dean and Kucinich types among them, or carry an ongoing resentment toward us because of my own willful decision. Time will tell. I only know that the consequent loss will be as great for them as it is for us, if we are shut out and cannot find ourselves in the DFL. I hope you can forgive us all for any decisions we made in Boston. Please understand that we were all isolated, sleep-deprived, living in circumstances where others dictated our choices and asked for our moral decisions in a context controlled by them and totally new to all of us. With each hour since my return to Minnesota, I see more clearly that it was a situation, in fact, much like the context of brainwashing or the psychological operations used in Guantanamo. We were never tortured, and never stripped naked (although the security checkpoints at the entrance and at the airport had hints of that). We were, however, isolated from our community, from our usual context, and even perhaps from the moral parameters we usually have. A Kucinich critic of mine once said that I liked to tell others what to do. I thought about that accusation a lot, and I believe that he was correct. I often give unsolicited advice, so I want to be careful what I say next. The question arises: Should we now support Kerry? It’s a hard one. How can we support someone whose idea of progress is to put a velvet glove on the iron fist of colonialism? How can we support someone who speaks of a willingness to support unilateral wars (under the right conditions) and whose campaign is so overwhelmingly military in his values. But what would happen if we all stayed home or voted for Nader? Wouldn’t we then risk the true hell of what W. and his neocons would do if they won an actual mandate of sorts? I do not know what you can morally do in this situation. Perhaps you can find it in your heart to go to the polls with a clothespin on your nose and vote for Kerry. Perhaps you can even find the energy to do voter registration or phone canvases or door-knocking. Perhaps you will not find any energy at all for the non-choice of this presidential campaign, but you will throw yourself into something like Patty Wetterling’s race or one of the Legacy Project’s candidates for Minnesota House. In the end, nothing has changed. We all supported a presidential candidate who, for many of us, came extremely close to ideal. He lost that particular battle, but none of us can stop what we are doing. In the end, we must still support all candidates who reflect our ideals. In the end, we must examine our own beliefs and temperaments, and throw our energies into the causes and institutions we want. So keep buying your food at the co-ops. Keep marching and conducting vigils, when you can. Keep writing your senators and writing the president and sending letters to the local papers. If you are tired or discouraged, take a break. But please don’t quit altogether. Go to the grass roots and keep organizing like crazy. In the end, we will need these millions behind us, whether Kerry or Bush holds the title of president. And I must add this next: Cultivate community. The only thing that kept me even partially sane in Boston was my sense of community back here in Minnesota. I kept hearing the gentle voices of my spiritual community (Quakers) and peaceniks and activists back home. The demonic pull of Boston’s imposed reality was quite strong. Hey, I chatted with Walter Mondale, was interviewed by journalists who put my name in the paper and on the airwaves, I spent hours with cameras on me. It was all quite seductive. But the voices of my community here came to me from across the miles, reminding me that all this strategy was nothing, compared to the death of a single child in Falluja or a single grandmother in Raffa. I beg you to support the Kucinich community we still have. If you disagree with anything in Boston, whether my decision to vote for Dennis or the decision of others to work with the realities they saw, I still ask you to understand very deeply that we were all making the most moral decisions we could. I ask you to trust our motives and our morality, even if you do not agree. We need this community to support us, to provide us with a strong moral context, forgive our mistakes, and carry us through setbacks to the next level of change. It appears that we still have a great deal of work to do. Peace, Charley Underwood By : Charley Underwood August Sunday 1 2004
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