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Shock and awe: the night Baghdad burned. Exclusive extract from Robert Fisk’s new book

by Open-Publishing - Monday 3 October 2005
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Edito Wars and conflicts International Books-Literature Robert Fisk

In an exclusive extract from his powerful new book about the Middle East, Robert Fisk watches in the Iraqi capital as the US air offensive begins in March 2003

by Robert Fisk

A pulsating, minute-long roar of sound brought President George W Bush’s crusade against "terrorism" to Baghdad. There was a thrashing of tracer on the horizon from the Baghdad air defences and then a series of tremendous vibrations that had the ground shaking under us, the walls moving, the sound waves clapping against our ears.

Tubes of fire tore into the sky around the Iraqi capital, dark red at the base, golden at the top. Looking out across the Tigris from the river bank, I could see pin-pricks of fire reaching high into the sky as America’s bombs and missiles exploded on to Iraq’s military and communication centres and, no doubt, upon the innocent as well.

Valhalla, I said to myself. This needed Wagner, the twilight of the gods, Götterdämmerung. No one in Iraq doubted that the dead would include civilians. Tony Blair had said just that in the House of Commons debate that very same week.

But I wondered, listening to this storm of fire across Baghdad, if he had any conception of what it looks like, what it feels like, or of the fear of those Iraqis who were, as I wrote my report an hour later, cowering in their homes and basements. Just before the missiles arrived, I talked to an old Shia Muslim woman in a poor area of Baghdad, dressed in traditional black with a white veil over her head. I pressed her for what she felt. In the end, she just said: "I am afraid." The explosions now gave expression to her words.

Donald Rumsfeld was to assert that the American attack on Baghdad was " as targeted an air campaign as has ever existed". But he could not have told that to five-year-old Doha Suheil. She looks at me on the first morning of the war, drip-feed attached to her nose, a deep frown over her small face as she tries vainly to move the left side of her body. The cruise missile that exploded close to her home in the Radwaniyeh suburb of Baghdad blasted shrapnel into her legs ­ they were bound up with gauze ­ and, far more seriously, into her spine. Now she has lost all movement in her left leg. Her mother bends over the bed and straightens her right leg, which the little girl thrashes around outside the blanket. Somehow, Doha’s mother thinks that if her child’s two legs lie straight beside each other, her daughter will recover from her paralysis. She was the first of the patients brought to the Mustansariya College Hospital after America’s blitz on the city began.

There is something sick, obscene, about these hospital visits. We bomb. They suffer. Then we reporters turn up and take pictures of their wounded children. The Iraqi Minister of Health decides to hold an insufferable press conference outside the wards to emphasise the "bestial" nature of the American attack. The Americans say that they don’t intend to hurt children. And Doha Suheil looks at me and the doctors for reassurance, as if she will awake from this nightmare and move her left leg and feel no more pain.

So let’s forget, for a moment, the cheap propaganda of the regime and the cocky moralising of Messrs Rumsfeld and Bush, and take a trip ­ this bright morning in March 2003 ­ around the Mustansariya College Hospital. For the reality of war is ultimately not about military victory and defeat, or the lies about "coalition forces" which our "embedded" journalists were already telling about an invasion involving only the Americans, the British and a handful of Australians. War, even when it has international legitimacy ­ which this war does not ­ is primarily about suffering and death.

Take 50-year-old Amel Hassan, a peasant woman with tattoos on her arms and legs, who now lies on her hospital bed with massive purple bruises on her shoulders ­ they are now twice their original size. She was on her way to visit her daughter when the first American missiles struck Baghdad. "I was just getting out of the taxi when there was a big explosion and I fell down and found my blood everywhere," she told me. "It was on my arms, my legs, my chest."

Amel Hassan still has multiple shrapnel wounds in her chest. Her five-year-old daughter Wahed lies in the next bed, whimpering with pain. She had climbed out of the taxi first and was almost at her aunt’s front door when the explosion cut her down. Her feet are still bleeding, although the blood has clotted around her toes and is stanched by the bandages on her ankles and lower legs. Two boys are in the next room. Saad Selim is 11, his brother Omar 14. Both have shrapnel wounds to their legs and chest.

Isra Riad is in the third room with almost identical injuries, in her case shrapnel wounds to the legs, sustained when she ran in terror from her house into her garden as the blitz began. Imam Ali is 23 and has multiple shrapnel wounds in her abdomen and lower bowel. Najla Hussein Abbas still tries to cover her head with a black scarf, but she cannot hide the purple wounds to her legs. Multiple shrapnel wounds. After a while, "multiple shrapnel wounds" sounds like a natural disease, which I suppose ­ among a people who have suffered more than 20 years of war ­ it is.

So was all this, I asked myself, for 11 September 2001? Was all this to " strike back" at our attackers, albeit that Doha Suheil, Wahed Hassan and Imam Ali had nothing ­ absolutely nothing ­ to do with those crimes against humanity, any more than had the awful Saddam? Who decided, I wondered, that these children, these young women, should suffer for September 11th?

Driving across Baghdad was an eerie experience. The targets were indeed carefully selected, even though their destruction inevitably struck the innocent. There was a presidential palace with four 10m-high statues of the Muslim warrior Saladin on each corner ­ the face of each, of course, was Saddam’s ­ and, neatly in between, a great black hole gouged into the façade of the building. The Ministry of Air Weapons Production was pulverised, a massive heap of prestressed concrete and rubble. But outside, at the gate, there were two sandbag emplacements with smartly dressed Iraqi soldiers, rifles over the parapet, ready to defend their ministry from the enemy that had already destroyed it.

The morning traffic built up on the roads beside the Tigris. No driver looked too hard at the Republican Palace on the other side of the river, or the Ministry of Armaments Procurement beside it. They burned for 12 hours after the first missile strikes. It was as if burning palaces and blazing ministries and piles of smoking rubble were a normal part of daily Baghdad life. But then again, no one under Saddam’s regime would spend too long looking at such things, would they?

Iraqis were puzzled as to what all this meant. In 1991, the Americans struck the refineries, the electricity grid, the water pipes, communications. But on day two of this war, Baghdad could still function. The land-line telephones worked, the internet operated, the electrical power was at full capacity, the bridges over the Tigris remained unbombed. My guess was that when ­ "if" was still a sensitive phrase ­ the Americans arrived in Baghdad, they would need a working communications system, electricity, transport. What had been spared was not a gift to the Iraqi people, I concluded; it was for the benefit of Iraq’s supposed new masters. How wrong I was.

* THIS IS a shortened version of the extract published in The Independent Magazine. For the full version (with an extra 782 words), buy The Independent print edition (back issues are available from www.independent. backissuenewspapers .co.uk). Or CLICK HERE for the full version online, which is subject to our Portfolio charges - at £1 per article or £10 per month for all Robert Fisk articles.

* Extracted from ’The Great War for Civilisation: the Conquest of the Middle East’ by Robert Fisk, published by 4th Estate on 3 October, £25. To buy the book at the special price of £22.50, including p&p, call Independent Books Direct on 08700 798897, or visit www.independent booksdirect.co.uk

http://news.independent.co.uk/world/fisk/article316530.ece

Forum posts

  • The whole American Nation is responsible for this war crime! Also the bystanders and allies of the United States including the Nato states.
    This bomber pilots don’t even belong to the human race anymoore.

    Boeing, Northrop and others did test run their equipment on lifestock. What is an institution as the U.N. good for, if they no longer ostracize this war crimes.

    • Shock and Awe was indeed a war crime. And the American Nation stands accused because too many good people stood by and allowed it to happen. In my circle, this war has caused a great deal of anguish because we know we did all we could to prevent this catastrophe from happening. We gave this war no moral nor legal sanction and gave meaning to the saying, "Not in out Name!" Being informed citizens, we knew there were no WMDs, no connection to 9/11 - and the administration’s stated reason for launching an unprovoked war was fraud being perpetrated on a global scale.

      Beginning with our elected officials, we implored them not to venture down this dangerous path. We attended town hall meetings. We wrote letters in opposition to local newspapers. We argued from a high ethical, legal and moral position. To no avail. But the confluence of (fascist) elements: Military/Industrial complex, PNAC-Zionists, and immoral GOP political opportunism/Democratic party capitulation, made it very clear Bush couldn’t stop this war even if he wanted to. Its shameful it took the majority of American people so long to realize what was done in their name in Iraq.

    • Precise and accurately stated thanks.
      cheers, jt.