Home > Were Abbey Hoffman Jerry Rubin and the Chicago 7 really Police Agents?

Were Abbey Hoffman Jerry Rubin and the Chicago 7 really Police Agents?

by Open-Publishing - Tuesday 24 January 2006

Governments Secret Services USA History

Do you think Abbie Hoffman and the Chicago 7 (exception Bobby Seale) were civilian assets for the police from the very begining as has been documented by Skolnick?

Short preface 3/17/2004.

After this preface there is re-typed, VERBATIM, my original investigation report of 1972. Since there is currently supposed Anti-Iraq War Movements, it is instructive to study prior such movements. Why? To determine, by example, if the leadership and direction they are taking secretly serves the purposes of the Aristoc racy. To do what? To aid the ultra-rich wind-down, if not extricate themselves, from a disastrous, bloody war policy by which they may finally be exposed as ruling WITHOUT OUR CONSENT, contrary to the U.S. Constitution and Bill of Rights.

As the Founder/Chairman of our investigation group, devoted to the public interest, I tried my best to alert the public to the fakers selected and installed by funding and orders of the American CIA, as the supposed "leaders" of the An ti-Viet Nam War activists, called by some, "The Peace Movement". They were clearly fake then. Are there such NOW?

View our website story, www.cloakanddgger.ca "The Overthrow of the American Republic", Part 50, 3/16/2004, as to the efforts in the past to block us, threaten us falsely with arrest, and actua lly arrest me as the head of our group, for our efforts to confront CIA "peace movement" fakers, "The Chicago 7", Rennie Davis, Jerry Rubin, Abbie Hoffman, Tom Hayden, and others.

After I beat state criminal charges of trespass, in confronting Rennie Davis during a live, not taped, television program, in 1972, to explain the specific CIA funding of him and his gang; I issued our report, 1972, on the suppose d "Peace Movement". I had beat the criminal charges by subpoenaing, as part of my defense, the CIA Station Chief in CHICAGO. By their charter, the CIA IS NOT SUPPOSED TO ENGAGE IN DOMESTIC OPERATIONS.

Afterwards, about 1973, in the presence of a tv reporter, I interviewed the CIA Station Chief in Chicago, outside his unmarked door in the Federal Building in Chicago.

Sherman H. Skolnick: "You are the CIA’s Station Chief in Chicago, right?"

CIA Station Chief in Chicago: "Curious that you know that."

Skolnick: "Simple. The Wall Street Journal has your name on it, laying on this table in front of your receptionist’s bullet-proof window, outside your unmarked door, here on the fifth floor of this Federal Building. I also noticed the red security bulb, mounted above your door, supposed to blink at the same time of triggering a silent alarm of the security patrol, if someone messes with your door. The bulb and such was installed by the CIA."

CIA Station Chief: "Well, we are limited to interviewing businessmen returning from the Soviet."

Skolnick: "I am handing you, in the presence of this tv reporter, a copy of our report about the ’Chicago 7’, Rennie Davis, and the CIA, entitled ’Chicago 7’ Are They For Real’ ".original CIA Station Chief: "We have already examined a copy."

Skolnick: "Now is your chance to call me a liar or fault me. Is our report accurate?"

CIA Station Chief: "Yes, I do not challenge it."

What follows is a re-typing of our original 1972 report VERBATIM as then issued and circulated. Because of the length, it will be posted this way in parts.


"CHICAGO 7" Are They For Real?
by Sherman H. Skolnick, chairman, Citizen’s Committee to Clean Up the Courts

Throughout history, governments seeking to perpetuate injustice, yet being foresighted enought to channel and contain dissent against their corrupt, repressive policies, use groups of people called "The King’s Men". Such people get mon ey, power, and benefits from "The King" but he denies knowing them since they pretend to oppose him. At the present when the terms "radical" and "revolutionary" are bandied around, it is important to know who some of the alleged "radical revolutionaries " are, and to consider that some of the "Chicago 7" are "The King’s Men".

Historically, it should be noted that the overthrow of the Russian Czar and the Russian Church establishment were delayed some 15 years by the premature activities of anti-czarist groups too weak to accomplish their goal, and duped and led on by Czarist agents posing as "revolutionaries". The anti-czarists were thus fooled into eating green bananas. Analysis only of well-polished rhetoric alone cannot help unmask a faker. Hard facts, compiled and analyzed point more quickly to p ut-ups playing the role of revolutionaries. Applied here will be the reasonable criteria of money, power, and benefits.

The "Chicago 7" consists of Rennie Davis, Tom Hayden, David Dellinger, Jerry Rubin, Lee Weiner, John Froines, and Abbie Hoffman. [Previously called the "Chicago 8", to include Bobby Seale, not believed part of the put-up.] Also called the "Conspiracy" or the "Conspiracy 7".

With little if any publicity, Rennie Davis and four others who later became part of the "7", nailed down the Anti-Riot Law as constitutional by a law suit brought by them in October, 1968, and ending up May, 1969, in the Chicago -based U.S. Court of Appeals, 7th Circuit.

[Nat’l Mobilization, Rennie Davis, et al., vs. Foran, No. 17274, U.S. Court of Appeals, 7th Circuit. Clerk’s office of which is 27th floor, Federal Building, 219 So. Dearborn, Chicago].

During the course of this almost secret suit, Rennie’s side laid down and played dead in court. For example, according to court records, Rennie’s side gave up a challenge to the part of the law dealing with police. Yet, in the street a nd on lecture platforms, Rennie is quick to mouth off "Off the Pigs!" Not so in court. The suit was brought and accepted as a class action, on behalf of all persons similarly situated who cross state lines and dissent against the government, thus bindin g upon potentially millions of people, none of whom were in court in the suit or even knew of the existence of the suit.

Known only to a handful, and unknown to the public, by the time the "Conspiracy" trial started, September, 1969, the Anti-Riot Law, thanks to Rennie, Tom Hayden, et al., had been made constitutional. During the summer of 1969, Rennie, et al., abandoned an appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court. Thus, actually there were two "trials". (1) The unpublicized test case of the Anti-Riot Law, Oct., 1968 through May, 1969, and (2) the much publicized "Conspiracy" trial, Sept., 1969, through Februa ry, 1970. The public thinks the Anti-Riot Law is being challenged in the "Conspiracy" case. Not so. Under American Jurisprudence, a test of the law cannot be made twice in the same judicial circuit under the same or similar circumstances. The earlier al most secret case is legally binding, unless there is a showing the ruling was procured by fraud or collusion. Knowledgeable researchers of law suits where collusion is suspected, call such rulings "tombstone" cases, or R.I.P. case! s (Rest in Peace).

When Skolnick confronted Rennie and the others of the "7" in the hallway during recesses in the "Conspiracy" trial, one by one the "7" sought to wash their hands of the almost secret prior suit. Jerry Rubin, one of history’s most skill ed actors [his uncle Sid was in vaudeville: Look Magazine, 10/7/69,’ p.20], pretended he did not know what Skolnick was talking about. Dellinger said he never heard of the earlier case; yet, he was a party-plaintiff, according to the court records. Abbi e Hoffman made obscene jokes about it. A spokesman for Rennie iinformed Skolnick that Rennie had nothing to do with the case. Hardly a word of this ever saw print or got on air, yet 5 of the "7" were plaintiffs in the almost secret earlier case.< /DIV>

For some 14 months, starting September, 1969, to November, 1970, there was, with a few isolated exceptions, an almost total news black-out by the Establishment Press, and even, wonder of wonders, by most of the so-called "underground" papers, who spend the bulk of their column space on drugs and pornography, with little anti-establishment news. [It should be noted that the Czars had their "underground", czarist-owned newspapers also, with many with names when translated are the same as names of some familiar "underground" papers. Presently, some 60% of the "underground" papers have been quietly bought out by the Kinney Corp., on whose board sit several C.I.A. people].

With considerable labor, time, and energy, from January, 1968 (before Convention Week) to date, staff membes of the Citizen’s Committee to Clean Up the Courts (called the Committee), as part of an on-going inquiry into court collusion, have unearthed mountains of factual data, tending to show the "7" case was a real conspiracy. The Committee believes, based on this data, that during the much-publicized "7" trial, Tom Hayden, Rennie Davis, Jerry Rubin, and Abbie Hoffman, should have b een more properly sitting at the Government prosecutor’s table in the courtroom. Since the Committee does not have much, if any, inside information, we can never know for sure whether we are right. Only a confession or admission by any of the "7" could be more certain---such as the recent confessions of two West Coast agent-provocateur, Louis Tackwood and Eustacio Martinez, that they were posing as "radical revolutionaries".

1. Background and finances of the "Chicago 7". Unknown to the public, Rennie Davis, Tom Hayden, and the others who became the "7", and persons connected with them in the National Mobilization to End the War in Viet Nam, wer e funded by federal money, channeled to them through pass-through organizations connected with the government. $192,000 in federal money and $85,000 from the Carnegie Foundation, acting as a conduit for the Central Intelligence Agency, were funneled to Hayden, Davis, et al., through a front calling itself the Chicago Student Health Organization. To maintain the deep "cover" of this latter group, stories were planted in the press describing the group as being "communist" inspired or directed.

Another $193,313 was funneled to the "7" from the federal Office of Economic Opportunity by way of or through subsidiaries of the Institute for Policy Studies, Washington, D.C., an alleged "liberal" think tank posing as a left wi ng group, but acting as a conduit for the C.I.A. Other substantial funds came from the Roger Baldwin Foundation which has, nationwide, taken over the structure of the American Civil Liberties Union. The A.C.L.U., such as it was prior to 1967, ; no longer exists. The Roger Baldwin Foundation is funded by several pass-throughs, or conduits, for the C.I.A., among others being:

J.M. Kaplan Fund, Inc. [of New York]; New World Foundation; Aaron E. Norman Fund, Inc.

This is shown by a detailed analysis of I.R.S. form 990-A, filed by these foundations [one of the few public record tax returns]. Several persons acting for the C.I.A. sit on the Board of Overseers of the Roger Baldwin Foundation : Jacob M. Kaplan and John L.Saltonstall, among others.

As to Jacob M. Kaplan, see: New York Times Index, "U.S. Intelligence Agency", 1967. Several members of the Saltonstall family are involved with the C.I.A.: Senator Leverett Saltonstall (R., Mass.), sits with a very small number o f people on the Senate C.I.A. sub-committee. Senator Saltonstall received warm praise in a rare public speech by the director of the C.I.A. Another Saltonstall family member posed as a "radical revolutionary" during 1968 Democratic Con vention Week, although in fact a counter-insurgent. Saltonstall’s brother is a high-ranking C.I.A. official; see, "The Espionage Establishment" by David Wise and Thomas B. Ross, 1967, Random House, pp. 160-161; also pp. 148n; 171, 173, 173n.

To assist those who later became known as the "7", the Roger Baldwin Foundation in Chicago operated a Democratic Convention Week Project. In a suit now pending in the U.S. District Court in Chicago, the defense of one of the defendants is funded by the Roger Baldwin Foundation. That defendant refused to answer questions about the pass-through funds channeled from the C.I.A. to the Roger Baldwin Foundation. See: Skolnick vs. 113th Military Intelligence Group, et al., No. 71 C 91, U.S. Dist. Court, N.D. Ill., E.D. [Defendant John M. O’Brien, while purportedly a military intelligence spy, is believed to be a double-agent for the C.I.A.]

2. Tom Hayden is one of the more quiet members of the "7". He is a brilliant counter-insurgent posing as a "radical revolutionary", operating under the deep "cover" and installed by the Kennedys in the early 1960s. Hayden has one of the highest security clearances in the U.S. He risked blowing his deep "cover" when he sat with highest government officials on the Senator Robert F. Kennedy funeral train. (See: Logistics of the Funeral" by Anthony Howard, Esquire Magazine, Nov., 1968, p.120.)

Both Tom Hayden and Rennie Davis nailed down their deep "cover" by taking up residence in depressed areas, and proceeding to agitate the community. Started in Newark, New Jersey, in the summer of 1964, Hayden’s activities resulte d, in part, in the disorders a few years later in Newark. All the while, oddly enough, Hayden had almost absolute police immunity.

Hayden in the spring of 1972 has taken up residence in San Diego, in preparation for the G.O.P. convention there. While others find it hard to get teaching positions, or are run out of their jobs for their politics (such as Angela Davi s), Hayden suddenly gets two teaching positions convenient to his San Diego activities: one at Immaculate Heart College, and the other, at University of California, at Los Angeles.

3. Rennard C. Davis, "Rennie" Davis. Rennie’s image as a "radical revolutionary" was firmly planted by his publicist and strategist, Don Rose, of 1340 East Madison Park, in Chicago’s Hyde Park area. Not too long ago, Rose was an executive of the ultra-right wing, quasi-government organization, Public Administration Service, 1313 East 60th St., Chicago. P A S is connected with, and does work for, the U.S. War Department, Mutual Security Agency, and a C.I.A. subsidiary, th e Agency for International Development. Among other things, P A S does work in puting together police training information. The funding for Don Rose’s work comes, in part, from the C.I.A. pass-through, the Taconic Foundation of New York. Rose is al so the publicist for an umbrella group of so-called Civil Rights organizations, called the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice, NCCIJ, 1307 So. Wabash, Chicago. The recent head of that group, and the previous head! , were directly connected with, or officers or directors of urban-affairs type foundations and groups funded by the C.I.A. (See: Ramparts Magazine, June, 1969, p.17; Chicago Defender, 9/10/70, front page.)

One of the government functions of NCCIJ is to act as an early warning system regarding the black community and any bad reactions to injustices. NCCIJ compiles information on various civil rights groups and feeds that data to var ious federal agencies that need to be informed of possible rebellion in the black community. The Roger Baldwin Foundation’s Ghetto Project in Chicago fulfills a similar purpose.


This is end of Part One of this report, as originally made and circulated in 1972. The items in parentheses and brackets are in the original. To be continued.

3/17/2004. A few notes as updates.

===In the Chicago U.S. District Court, in my anti-spying case against the 113th Military Intelligence Group, I had a winning verdict. At the time countering cases like mine in the Justice Department was William Rehnquist. Soon after my winning verdict, Rehnquist was then appointed to the U.S. Supreme Court where he heard and ruled on a case like mine, destroying my winning verdict. REHNQUIST IS AN UNETHICAL SCOUNDREL. HE DID NOT DISQUALIFY HIMSELF DESPITE HIS PRIOR JUSTICE DEPARTMENT ROLE AS TO SUCH ANTI-SPY CASES LIKE MINE.

===Prior to becoming First Lady in the Clinton Administration, Hillary Rodham Clinton was a Director of the CIA-funded New World Foundation. Hillary and Bill are a marriage of convenience, two incompatible sorts hooked together, as a f ollow up of their separate roles with the American C.I.A.

===The Nation Magazine gets part of their funding from the mentioned CIA Foundations, like the J.M. Kaplan Fund of New York. Once in a while the magazine will run a heavily censored, watered down story, harmless in the extreme, about a purported overseas C.I.A. operation. They never seem to want to mention, however, dirty, bloody DOMESTIC U.S. operations of C.I.A. which do occur in violation of the spy agency’s charter.

Just prior to the Democrat Convention Week, Don Rose planted a story in the Chicago Tribune, calculated to attribute any possible Convention Week disorders to "communists" or other alleged "subversives". Rose, as an alleged "radical", attended a pre-convention, insiders only, meeting at the Moraine Hotel, in Highland Park, Illinois. (By a complicated series of events, that hotel had become a federally-owned property.) The secret minutes of what purportedly took place there, August 4, 1968, was written about by the Chicago Tribune’s "Red Squad" (Chicago Police Subversives Unit) reporter, Ronald Koziol. In a front page story, 9/5/68, head-lined "Bare Secret Riot Planning". The so-called "secret minutes" were planted by Don Ros e with Ron Koziol, for the purpose of discrediting dissent and the peace movement, by describing them as "communist" dominated.

Rose often offers his help, for free, to civil rights type groups that appear to be going too anti-establishment. He thus neutralized a bus strike by controlling the publicity in the summer of 1968, of the Concerned Transit Workers. Mo re recently, Rose attempted to take over the publicity of a chicano group on the Far South Side of Chicago.

Rose was and is able to control the public image of Rennie Davis and others of the "7" as purported "radical revolutionaries" by way of Rose’s father-in-law, Jesse Bogue, an executive with the worldwide wire service, United Press Inter national. Bogue attempted to stop the circulation of the story about the head of NCCIJ being with the C.I.A. Bogue succeeded in keeping it a local rather than network story.

Among the functions of Rennie Davis as a counter-insurgent, under deep "cover", is to help compile data on U.S. Prisoners of War in North Viet Nam. With the help of an instant court order by Federal Circuit Judge Otto Kerner, Jr., Rennie went to North Viet Nam, in July, 1969, to bring bac k P.O.W. Navy Lt. Robert F. Frishman. Frishman began a tour of the U.S., lecturing on how brutal and inhumane he was treated as a P.O.W., directly contrary to the position of the peace movement.

"Frishman was taken on tour by the Navy, making highly publicized visits to six cities in five days to tell his story to the wives and families of captured and missing pilots. He gave many television and newspaper interviews and publis hed an account of his experiences in the Readers Digest in December, 1969. No other returned prisoners had been given such freedom to speak out. "There is evidence in the public record that Frishman seriously distorted and misrepresented the prison conditions inside North Viet Nam." Quoting a free lance reporter, knowledgeable in such matters, "When the Frishman debriefing papers came across his desk, he recalled ’I smelled a ringer right off. It just didn’t jibe with everything else I had seen’....Frishman was te lling a song and dance story.’ " Chicago Sun-Times, The PW Story, by Seymour M. Hersh, 2/14/71, page 5 and 42, Home Edition. " ’There was an absolutely valid case that somebody had to make’, against both the North Vietnamese, one State Department oficial said....’Frishman truly was a godsend.’ " Same story, page 42 (Emphasis added.)

Court documents regarding Rennie’s trip to North Viet Nam state or imply that he was there on business for the "State Department". (Emergency Motion, by defendant Rennie Davis, No. 69 CR 180, U.S. District Court, N.D., Ill., E.D.)

4. Stuart Ball, Sr., and his son, Stuart Scoble Ball, Jr. (who dressed himself to look with his hair and beard like Rasputin), together with Don Rose, called the shots for the "7" trial. Investigators for the Committee disc overed the Stuart Ball’s (Jr. and Sr.) command center, conveying messages and orders to others who carried them to the alleged principal "7" lawyers, William Kunstler and Leonard Weinglass. Rose’s messenger, on the other hand, came and went from J udge Hoffman’s courtroom about every 30 to 45 minutes during the trial, carrying messages to Kunstler, Weinglass, and Rennie, and others.

The uncle of Ball, Jr., is George W. Ball, high C.I.A. official, who came out in the Pentagon Papers smelling sweet while putting down the military [for 25 years there has been bitter rivalry between the C..I.A. and the military]. ; Ball, Sr., is a partner inn the law firm of Sidley & Austin, Chicago, suspected of being a C.I.A. conduit. Several of the partners are with the C.I.A. including Matthew J. iverson. [See: Hard Times Newspaper, Sept. 22-29, 1969, No. 45, p.1]. A former partner in the firm is Walter J. Cummings, Jr., now a judge in the U.S. Court of Appeals in Chicago. Cummings is also a substantial stockholder in the war-&-church interlocked Continental I ll. Nat’l Bank & Trust Co. of Chicago. The "7" appeal is pending before Judge Cummings and two other appeals judges.

Sidley & Austin are also the attorneys for Illinois Bell Telephone Co. Complaints by phone patrons about wire-tapping are referred to Stuart Ball Sr.’s law firm. Several of the partners in Sidley & Austin. including Tully Fried man, are financially interlocked and/or in other ways participants, with Chicago-based Adlai Stevenson Institute, a foreign affairs "think tank", operated by State Department and C.I.A. officials. Among the Stevenson Institute directors have been George W. Ball, James Hoge, Jr.(more on him later), Sol M. Linowitz, and Paul G. Hoffman. Linowitz, an official with the Organization of American States, and former head man at Xerox Corp., is a counter-insurgent expert with the State Department.

The policy making group in the C.I.A. is called the "Special Group" created in the Eisenhower years under the secret order 54/12. Among the members of the "Special Group" is George W. Ball. (See: "The Invisible Government", by David Wi se and Thomas B. Ross, paperback ed., pp.278-279, 313.)

Another Stevenson Institute director , Paul G. Hoffman, has a long history of links with the C.I.A. He is also director of Fund for the Republic, Inc., interlocked financially and by overlapping personnel with the Albert Parvin F oundation and the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, both of the latter fronts and recipients of funds of the C.I.A. The latter two are also interlocked with Inter-American Center of Economic and Social Studies, known as C.I.D.E.S., a C.I.A.operation in Latin America. [See: New York Times Index, 1967 to date .]

5. Command centers. Ostensibly, the "7" had their office during and prior to Convention Week, in Chicago’s Old Colony Building, 408 So. Plymouth Court, one block from the Federal Building. Some of the actual command center s were as follows: (a) in the office of the alleged director of Labor Education, Frank W. McCallister (now deceased), of Roosevelt University, downtown Chicago. McCallister, while allegedly director of Labor Education, carried out various counter-insurge ncy functions of the U.S. State Department in three African countries: Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and the Congo, and in the South American country, Guyana, (formerly British Guiana), scene of violent counter-insurgency activities designed to put down local rule, and in various places in Europe and Asia.

(b) In the Chicago office of the Roger Baldwin Foundation, 6 So. Clark St.

6. Efforts to control the assignment of trial judge. Originally, the "7" trial was to be heard by then Chief Judge of the U.S. District Court, William J. Campbell, who was vulnerable to public challenge because of hi s links to the C.I.A. and the crime syndicate. Campbell has been a director of the Albert Parvin Foundation, a counter-insurgency operation for training African students, originally sent by West Coast hoodlums to give a tax shelter to their money. See u ndisputed documentation in case #17181, U.S. Court of Appeals, 7th Circuit, Additional Appendix, pp.109-120. The Parvin Foundation is a pass-through for C.I.A. funds. See: New York Times Index, "U.S. Intelligence Agency", 1967, to date.

Until recently, the president of the Albert Parvin Foundation has been Associate Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, William O. Douglas. During attempts to impeach Douglas, his links to the C.I.A. and the Parvin Foundation became part o f the government record.

See: Final Report by the Special Subcommittee on House Res. 920, of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, 91st Congress, 2nd Session, Sept. 17, 1970, pp. 18-21.

Shortly after Rennie Davis and the others were indicted on Riot Conspiracy charges, March, 1969, one evening Rennie sought to pick the brains of the staff of the Committee, in respect to Judge Campbell. Naively, the researchers presume d Rennie was going to confront Campbell in court with the data. The next morning, barely 12 hours later, Campbell, on his own motion, mysteriously disqualified himself from the "7" case, without Rennie filing any paper on this. The case was then s teered onto the docket of District Judge Julius J. Hoffman.

In case of an adverse trial ruling before Judge Hoffman, Rennie and the others were prepared to destroy, or seek to destroy, the public image of Judge Hoffman, and thereby seek to overturn a guilty verdict. Judge Hoffman is noted for h elping gangsters go free by committing what is known in law as "reversible error", conduct and rulings by him contrary to accepted law and procedure, thus almost automatically invalidating his verdict on appeal.

Updates, 3/19/2004:
"Chicago 7" trial attorney William Kunstler had been with the predecessor agency to CIA, namely OSS. During the "7" trial he used to eat lunch with Chicago U.S. District Judge Hubert L. Will who had been C.I.A.’s head of Counter-Intell igence in Europe. Kunstler ran away every time Skolnick or any of Skolnick’s associates sought to question the lawyer about his activities with the C.I.A. in the 1950s and 1960s. Kunstler was an expert on creating apparent fake scenarios with his expert ise at writing radio scripts.

In should be noted, we also naively permitted Rennie and his gang, to pick our brains about what we knew about Judge Hoffman. We presumed Rennie wanted to use it to disqualify Judge Hoffman. It never got into the court record. We had i nformed Rennie and his underlings that Hoffman had previously been a top official of the Brunswick Company, manufacturer of bowling ball machines and he was tight with known hoodlums who established the firm and then currently, the Judge was a major sto ckholder of Brunswick which at the time the Judge got Rennie’s case, the firm was a major war weapons producer. A real peace movement leader, not one selected, installed, and funded by the American C.I.A., would have been glad to publicize known wa r industry details about Judge Hoffman and his firm, Brunswick.

Failure to speak out against war mongers and war profiteers is typical of fake so-called Anti-War "leaders" who just fail to ever speak out about specific persons, companies, and pertinent events.This is a lesson obviously to be studie d and applied to any of the current Anti-Iraq War activists.

In the 1970s, our work led to the jailing, for bribery, of Federal Appeals Judge Otto Kerner, Jr. He was the highest level sitting federal Judge to be so sent to prison in the history of the U.S.

More parts coming. Stay tuned.

Part 3
by Sherman H. Skolnick

Preface to the series as of 3/23/2004:

This is another part of our series on the Anti-War Movement at the time of the Viet Nam War. Studying this may help to scrutinize any possible fakers foisted on us as supposed "leaders" and "activists" of the Anti-Iraq War Movement.

The report was issued by us in 1972. It is here VERBATIM as it was then circulated. Items in parentheses and brackets are identical to what was in the report.

It is about the fakers selected, installed, and funded by the American CIA, and promoted by the liars and whores of the Press as the supposed main activists and "leaders" of the Anti-Viet Nam War activities, known then as the "Peace Mo vement". Called "The Chicago 7 ", that was Rennie, Davis, Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, Tom Hayden, and others.

The purpose was to sidestep the specifics of the Aristocracy and the war-mongers who are the stooges and scapegoats for them. And, to wind down the disastrous Viet Nam War before it would expose how the Establishment profits from insti gating wars and depressions to further enrich the Ultra-Rich. Sound familiar?

A further purpose was to discredit the 1968 Democrat Party candidate for President Hubert Humphrey, to install Richard M. Nixon for the GOP, as the Fascist-inclined occupant and resident of the Oval Office.

The "Committee" referred to is the independent-minded investigative group, Citizen’s Committee to Clean Up the Courts, the Founder/Chairman of which has been Sherman H. Skolnick, since 1963.

Earlier parts told how the trial judge was manipulated. Now we learn about the jurors hearing the Anti-Riot Act federal criminal prosecution of the "7", starting in 1969.

7. Efforts to overturn the contempt ruling and the guilty verdict against 5 of the "7".

(a) Planting of a juror. November 12, 1970, the U.S. Court of Appeals, Chicago, ruled that the "7" case be sent back to Judge Hoffman for the specific determination whether there were unlawful notes passed between the delib erating jurors and Judge Hoffman; whether there was a forbidden compromise verdict as contended by juror Kay Richards in her copyright stories, after the trial, in the Chicago Sun-Times. In an unprecedented special hearing before Judge Hoffman, starting December 19, 1970, the jurors themselves, one by one took the witness stand.

Key testimony was by juror Kay Richards Stevens (married after the trial to Thomas P. Stevens). Age 23, she allegedly is a computer operator. At the beginning of the trial, September, 1969, Kay Richards was the only one of 4 alternate jurors, NOT a regular juror. By a trick, trial juror Miss Kristi A. King, 23, was forced to excuse herself as a juror. Judge Hoffman read Miss King an allegedly threatening letter received by her parents from "The Black Panthers". Revealingly, it was not signed correctly as "Black Panther Party". Kay Richards replaced Miss King, and thus Miss Richards was "planted" by what appears to be a group of forces assisted by executives of the Marshall Field Enterprise newspapers, the Chicago Sun-Times an d the Daily News.

Mrs. Stevens testimony, 11/20/70, included (a) her contentions that the verdict, by her doings, was a forbidden "compromise verdict", which if not otherwise disputed, constitutes "reversible error", which will turn the conviction of 5 of the "7" upside down. (b) She was the only juror who had no room-mate while the jurors stayed at the Palmer House, and the only juror to meet with a family member outside the presence of a court deputy marshal (she met with her fiance Thomas P. Steven s). Not coincidentally, she brought with her a typewriter and was busy clacking away on her "notes" almost every night between trial sessions. She alleged her fiance in the middle of the trial, arranged supposedly unknown to her, a contract with the Sun -Times for her exclusive story. (He, not being her husband yet, would have no legal right to arrange such a contract for her). She forgot, she said, what the Sun-Times paid her. She refused to state what position her husband has w! ith the County of Cook.

Data unearthed by the Committee shows that her husband, Thomas P. Stevens, in December, 1969, became director of the Classification Dept. of the County government. He is one of the few people in Cook County who would know b y position every undercover agent in Cook County. Although this data was made available to the news media, they refused to use it.

(b) Release of records, government and otherwise, to be used to destroy the public image of trial Judge Julius Hoffman. Shortly after the contempt ruling and the February, 1970, guilty ruling for 5 of the "7", certain records, by two methods were turned over to the Committee. The first group of records arrived from an emissary of the "7", known to the C ommittee. The second group of records arrived by other means.

It was evident from an examination of the records and explanatory notes accompanying them, that: (1) some of the records evidently were from inside government sources;

(2) others were non-public bank records and references to bank records.

The upshot of these two groups of records was that a possibly good case could be made out, showing that Judge Julius Hoffman took a gift, gratuity, or "bribe", of $300,000, from a litigant in an earlier, unrelated case, unrelated to th e "7". From all surrounding circumstances, it was evident the "7" wished to have Skolnick’s Committee to be the method of exposing Judge Hoffman for purported "bribery", and thus destroy Judge Hoffman’s public image and thereby undermine the validity of the jail rulings against the "7". The Committee has never accused Judge Hoffman of being honest.

The dilemma: on the one hand, the purported records appear genuine. On the other hand, there is a lingering suspicion tha they were planted with the Committee, not for an effort to merely expose corruption, but to destroy Judge Hoffman for the express benefit of the "7". The Committee has so far not made a public issue of those records, since it became evident that a faction IN THE GOVERNMENT wanted Judge Hoffman destroyed to benefit the Chicago 7.

8. Manipulation of judges to gain worldwide travel permission for the "7". In respect to key rulings on worldwide travel permission for some of the "7", the important rulings were made by two judges of the U.S. Court of Appeals in Chicago: (a) Federal Circuit Judge Otto Kerner, Jr., and (b) Chief Judge Luther M. Swygert.

Judge Otto Kerner, Jr. Members of Skolnick’s Committee have been instrumental in focussing a certain federal probe onto Judge Otto Kerner, Jr., resulting in Kerner’s indictment in December, 1971. In the course of that work , the Committee became aware of the fact that Judge Kerner was being pressured and manipulated to grant almost an unlimited. worldwide trafvel permission to some of the "Chicago 7".

A key ruling of Judge Kerner came on July 15, 1969, prior to the Conspiracy trial. Kerner, at the drop of a hat, almost instantly upon application, ordered that Rennie Davis be authorized to travel to Paris, France, and to Hanoi, North Viet Nam, commencing that same day. (U.S. vs. Rennard C. Davis, No. 17761, U.S. Court of Appeals, 7th Circuit, Chicago). It is apparent from the application for travel permission that Rennie, an alleged "radical revolutionary", was going on U.S. State Department business. See: previous mention of P.O.W., Navy Lt. Robert F. Frishman.

In May, 1971, Abbie Hoffman and Rennie Davis were indicted as a result of certain purported disorders as part of the "May Day Tribe" in Washington, D.C. By May, 1971, it was also evident, or becoming evident, that Judge Kerner himself faced indictment. To appease a certain faction in the Justice Department, Judge Kerner entered a court order revoking Abbie and Rennie’s travel permission and severely restricted them to their home districts. Oddly, there was a contrary court orde r entered by Judge Swygert. (Judges in the same court have equal power; they cannot over-rule one another.)

Judge Luther M. Swygert. By May, 1971, it was becoming evident that Judge Swygert, like Kerner, was the target of a federal probe. The particulars of an apparent series of frauds participated in by Swygert were put into th e Congressional Record by Congressman H.R. Gross, of Iowa. Cong.Rec., May 17, 1971, p. E4482. Congressman Gross and others demanded an investigation of the plundering of a multi-million dollar real estate company by Judge Swygert and associates of his, including his former law partner.

On June 11, 1971, members of the Committee discovered in the file of case No.s 18294, 18295 (the "7" appeals), the above described court order by Judge Kerner revoking court travel permission. Committee members went to the Chief Clerk of the U.S. Court of Appeals, requesting a certified copy of the same. Whereupon, in the presence of two Committee members, the Chief Clerk tore up and discarded the court order, and said "This is none of your business".

The federal probe of Judge Kerner began to take shape in April, 1969. From that time until May, 1971, the important travel permission for the "7" were entered by Judge Swygert. From May, 1971, and thereafter, most of the court or dered travel permission has been entered by Judge Swygert. May, 1971, is also the time when demands for a federal probe of Judge Swygert began to take shape.

Because the Committee is instrumentally involved in the probe of both judges, the Committee is quite aware of numerous bits and pieces of details that support the statement that Kerner and Swygert have been manipulated and pressured to grant court ordered worldwide travel permission to the benefit of some of the "Chicago 7".

9. Another example of governmental money, power, and benefits to the "Chicago 7". Shortly after the "7" indictment, March, 1969, Rennie Davis arranged a lease for the "Conspiracy" office, as it was called. Rooms 404-407, i n the Steger Building, 28 East Jackson Blvd., Chicago. That building at the time of the lease was a federally owned and supervised building. The lease started June 1, 1969,. [Note: the previous mention of the pre-convention secret meeting at anoth er federally owned and supervised property, the Moraine Hotel.]

Several tenants near and above Rooms 404-407 were arbitrarily forced to move by the building manager suddenly doubling and tripling their rent. The FBI occupied vacated space near and above the "Conspiracy" offices. An alleged employme nt agency in the Steger Building appears to have been a surveillance and protection "cover" operation. Ostensibly, the FBI was keeping the "Conspiracy" under surveillance. Their actual functions appeared to have include protecting Rennie and others from harm by right wing extremists who would not know Rennie’s true role as a counter-insurgent and believed that he was a "radical revolutionary".

Little known records in a Circuit Court of Cook County case show that the lease required federal permission. See; Hulman vs. Lawn Savings, Circuit Court of Cook County, Chancery Division, No. 68 CH 1888. Asset: Steger Building. The lea se also required court permission.

10. During the "7" trial, unknown to the public, Abbie Hoffman stayed from time to time at the home of James Hoge, Jr., director of the Stevenson Institute and executive director of the Chicago Sun-Times. (Field Enterprises executives, many of them in the war business, are not exactlly "left wing".) The Sun-Times, as noted, ran the copyright "compromise verdict" series by juror Kay Richards, and had editorialized for the release of the "7" on appeal bond.

The president , until recently, of the Newspaper Division of Field Enterprises, has been Bailey K. Howard, listed in the banned book "Who’s Who in the C.I.A.". He has been a director of General Analine & Film Corp., interlocke d at one time with Hitler’s I.G. Farben Works. Howard is a major stockholder and until recently a director of Chicago’s scandal-ridden Civic Center Bank (now called the Chicago Bank of Commerce). Howard’s close pal, Judge and Major General Otto Ke rner, Jr., is a fellow stock-holder.

The major news media have seen to it that no one disturbs the media image of the "7" as being "radical revolutionaries".

More coming. Stay tuned.

Updates as of 3/23/2004: The "7", instigating the riots at the 1968 Democrat Convention in Chicago, discredited Presidential Candidate Hubert Humphrey and helped install Richard M.Nixon. In later years, a source of ours turned over a huge pile of secret intern al records of the Encyclopedia Britannica, showing that Hubert Humphrey in the 1970s traveled around the U.S. and elsewhere, supposedly helping market the Encyclopedias. The huge funds paying him off were from the American CIA, through the E ncyclopedia offices in Chicago, and laundered through the Chicago facilties of the Northern Trust Bank of Chicago, by way of two C.I.A. officials as purported officers of that bank.

That is, the bloody spy agency was covering all bases, both Humphrey and Nixon.

Some time after circulating in 1972 our story about the "Chicago 7", we found out that the apparently "planted" juror, Kay Richards, was a computer operator at a Chicago-area firm whose primary work, under contract, was for the America n C.I.A. Her writing for the Chicago Sun-Times helped wreck the government’s prosecution of the "7". In very recent years now, the Sun-Times has reportedly had as secret owners, along with Lord Conrad Black, the Red Chinese Secret Police. Visit the exte nsive stories on the Red Chinese Secret Police, as they operate on U.S. soil, and with Wal-Mart. See: www.skolnicksreport.com

Note that even in very minor, routine Federal criminal cases, the Judges are very strict and DO NOT usually grant travel permission outside the jurisdiction of the U.S. District Court in the district of the pending trial or the home di strict of the defendant. Certainly, not granting permission to travel outside the U.S. jurisdiction such as to a purported enemy nation. The travel permission granted, for example to Rennie Davis, to meet in Paris, with Madame Ngu, has to be considered in view that she was the purported head of the CIA plot to assassinate President Kennedy, mentioned earlier in this series. What did Rennie know about THAT? What did Rennie’s father, a top advisor with an office in the Nixon White House, and the Elder D avis being French and tight with the French CIA, know as well about Madame Ngu and the murder of JFK and the role of Nixon in the Dallas public execution of JFK? And did the FBI/CIA protect Rennie Davis for these reasons?

Remember, the French took secret films of the JFK murder, threatening to release the same, but in the meantime, using them, as is usual between Aristocracies, for extortion, such as now against the Bush White House.