Latin America Is Growing Impatient With Democracy

By JUAN FORERO

LAVE, Peru — On a morning in April, people in this normally placid
spot in Peru’s southeastern highlands burst into a town council
meeting, grabbed their mayor, dragged him through the streets and
lynched him. The killers, convinced the mayor was on the take and
angry that he had neglected promises to pave a highway and build a
market for vendors, also badly beat four councilmen.

The beating death of the mayor may seem like an isolated incident in
an isolated Peruvian town but it is in fact a specter haunting
elected officials across Latin America. A kind of toxic impatience
with the democratic process has seeped into the region’s political
discourse, even a thirst for mob rule that has put leaders on
notice.

In the last few years, six elected heads of state have been ousted
in the face of violent unrest, something nearly unheard of in the
previous decade. A widely noted United Nations survey of 19,000
Latin Americans in 18 countries in April produced a startling
result: a majority would choose a dictator over an elected leader if
that provided economic benefits.

Analysts say that the main source of the discontent is corruption
and the widespread feeling that elected governments have done little
or nothing to help the 220 million people in the region who still
live in poverty, about 43 percent of the population.

"Latin America is paying the price for centuries of inequality and
injustice, and the United States really doesn’t have a clue about
what is happening in the region," said Riordan Roett, director of
Latin American studies at Johns Hopkins University.

"These are very, very fragile regimes," he added. "Increasingly,
there’s frustration and resentment. The rate of voting is going
down. Blank ballots are increasing. The average Latin American would
prefer a very strong government that produces a physical security
and economic security, and no government has been able to do that."

These at-risk governments stretch thousands of miles from the
Caribbean and Central America through the spine of the Andes to the
continent’s southern cone, and increasingly the problems associated
with weak governments are spilling beyond Latin America and
affecting United States interests in the region.

"We’re confronted with large increase in illegal migration," Mr.
Roett said, "more drugs pouring into the American market to meet an
insatiable demand, and the potential for regime failure that could
spread in the region and bring serious threats to our security
position in the hemisphere."

Among the weakest states is Guatemala, which struggles with
paramilitary groups, youth gangs and judicial impunity and has
become a crossroads for the smuggling of people and drugs to the
United States.

Several other governments are fragile at best and susceptible to
popular unrest that could further weaken and topple them. These
include the interim administration of Prime Minister Gérard Latortue
in Haiti, which took power after a popular revolt this year, and
President Carlos Mesa in Bolivia, who took power after such a revolt
last year.

The most unpredictable and volatile region is the Andes.

Venezuela remains deeply polarized, as foes of President Hugo Chávez
plot to oust him while he continues with what he has called
a "peaceful revolution" that includes a radical redistribution of
the nation’s oil wealth. Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia are buffeted by
nearly continuous protests from indigenous groups and other once-
forgotten classes that are demanding to be heard.

Their struggles vividly demonstrate an issue that animates strife in
nearly all Latin America — the gap between the haves and have-nots
of money and power that makes the region the world’s most
inequitable, and increasingly the most politically polarized.

Even in Argentina, once Latin America’s most developed country,
President Néstor Kirchner has warned of threats against his
government and his life as he struggles to root out corruption,
repair democratic institutions and lift the country out of an
economic implosion in 2001 that prompted the fall of four presidents
in two weeks.

In Argentina and elsewhere, the most immediate cause for alarm is
the short-lived nature of individual governments and the havoc it
can create. But the larger concern is that roiling instability is
eroding the foundations of democracy.

In this climate, even competence has become cause for concern — the
popular impulse being to find something that works and to stick with
it, whether arrived at democratically or not. In Colombia, where a
stable and popular government has made new strides in beating back a
40-year-old Marxist insurgency and reviving the economy, the
temptation has been to extend extrajudicial authority to President
Álvaro Uribe’s government and even change the constitution to permit
his re-election.

But, then, the pool of competent leaders from which to chose has
proved limited. Having lost faith in President Alejandro Toldeo,
Peruvians, opinion polls show, look to a return of Alberto K.
Fujimori, the elected authoritarian who fled after corruption
charges and lives in Japan, or to Alan García, another former
president, who was exiled in disgrace after a tenure considered one
of the most corrupt and incompetent in Peru’s recent history.

Their fortunes are being revived with the feeling, increasingly
common in Peru and elsewhere, that only a caudillo, the classic
Latin strongman, can solve the longstanding problems that plague the
region.

The United Nations report, also drawn from interviews with current
and former presidents, political analysts and cultural and economic
figures, showed that 56 percent of those asked said economic
progress was more important than democracy.

"Democracy today is broad, but it’s not deep," said Larry Birns,
director of the Council on Hemispheric Affairs, a Washington-based
policy group. "It’s broad in that the leadership talks about it,
it’s a buzzword. But the danger is that the more they talk about it
the more skeptical the population becomes because they see a great
deal of rhetoric but the standard of living of the impoverished
hasn’t improved."

The view is common among the common man, particularly in poverty-
stricken corners.

"I believe in an authoritarian government, if it works," said Daniel
Vargas, 24, a university student from Ilave whose father was accused
with six others of having orchestrated the lynching of the mayor,
Fernando Cirilo Robles. "They do this in other countries and it
works. Look at Cuba, that works. Look at Pinochet in Chile, that
worked."

The United Nations report noted that the promise of prosperity
offered by democracy has gone unfulfilled. Economic growth per
capita, it said, "did not vary in a significant manner" in Latin
America in the last 20 years, even though analysts had predicted
that growth would pick up as governments flung open the doors to
free-market changes prescribed by Washington and the International
Monetary Fund. That institution has instead come to be considered a
bête noire in this and many other developing parts of the world.

A slump in local economies that has lasted years has only deepened
the discontent with governments already widely scorned as corrupt
and overly bureaucratic. Predictions that economic growth is on the
way — economists say Latin America will record a 4 percent growth
rate this year after a long slump — have done little to quell the
dissatisfaction.

The main reason: recent growth has not been widely shared, but
concentrated in isolated pockets, usually attached to multinational
investments that employ few people.

Peru is a good example. It has the region’s most impressive economic
growth, on paper, with the economy expanding about 4 percent a year
since Mr. Toledo was elected in 2001. But that growth has not
filtered down, and the deep disillusionment that failure has
inspired is not lost on Mr. Toledo, whose approval rating is mired
below 10 percent.

"What good is an impressive growth rate?" he said in a speech in
May. "Wall Street applauds us, but in the streets, no. So what good
is it?"

The poverty and inequality that breed unrest are never more apparent
than in this desolate region, 13,000 feet above sea level, that hugs
Lake Titicaca and the Bolivian border.

Unlike Lima, prosperous and modern, the hamlets and farms here
provide a meager life. "What we have here is a subhuman life," said
Teófilo Challo, 27, a farmer. "We try to make it and work from
sunrise to sundown just to survive. But we win nothing. No services,
no health care, nothing."

Like many in Latin America who feel a disconnect from their
government, the people here are Aymará Indians. They form part of
Latin America’s forgotten classes, often indigenous or otherwise
nonwhite, who increasingly promise political upheaval.

"The government only pays attention to those who have power," said
Néstor Chambi, an indigenous leader and agronomist. "Rights are not
for the poor. They are for the rich, by the rich, and so the people
here have gotten tired."

The popular discontent with a central government seen as aloof,
unresponsive and subservient to powerful interests was only
amplified as Ilave’s political, business and church leaders raised
concerns about suspected corruption and incompetence by Mayor
Robles, to no effect.

That Mr. Robles is Aymara himself, like practically all the
townspeople here, did not matter. People here and throughout the
region charge that politicians are corrupted by power and a long
tradition in which politics is used as a spoils system for personal
enrichment.

Elected officials do not remember their people or keep their
promises, people here complained. Gregorio Ticona, the first Aymará
elected to Congress, faces corruption charges. The president of the
regional government, David Jiménez, was also charged in May with
corruption.

"Institutions have no more credibility," said Percy Flórez, a
municipal official in Ilave.

Mr. Robles, a university-educated social scientist who belonged to a
far-left fringe party, had political adversaries who agitated for
his resignation, namely the lieutenant mayor, Alberto Sandoval, who
has also been charged in Mr. Robles’ death.

But the political campaigning, mounting protests and hyperbolic
reports in local radio stations, which fomented the unrest, did
little to attract attention outside Ilave.

Protests reached a fever pitch after an April 2 meeting where
residents demanded to know details of the town’s finances, only to
be shouted down by Mr. Robles’s lieutenants.

"People wanted to ask where the money was, but they did not let them
speak," said Mr. Flórez.

The mayor tried to diffuse tensions by leaving town. But when he
returned on April 26 for a town council meeting at his house a mob
awaited.

Mr. Robles fled with four councilmen, who sought refuge in an
adjacent house, but were hunted down and dragged out into the dusty
street.

"They threw rocks at the windows and we were so afraid," said
Arnaldo Chambilla, a councilman, from his hospital bed. "They pulled
me out, they beat me. I do not remember after that."

Another councilman, Edgar Lope, recalled begging his attackers.

"I kneeled and said, `Please forgive me,’ " he said. "At that point,
I had given myself to the Lord."