The Connection Between Militarism and Violence Against Women

http://www.zmag.org/ZNET.htm

With no end in sight to the horribly misguided and damaging
’War on Terrorism’, it is increasingly urgent to recognize
the effects of war on women. There can be no true peace while
the pandemic of violence against women continues, a pandemic
that is greatly exacerbated by militarism. Making the
connection between militarism and violence against women is
critical to ending the siege of violence under which all
women live.

The theory of Power Over an ’other’ provides the common
thread between military campaigns and assaults against women.
What this theory says is that it is allowable for a person,
ethnic group, government, etc. to get what they want by way
of power over an other. This modus operandi has led us to a
point where, as Patricia Evans points out, we as a
civilization have assumed so much power over people and
resources, that we now have the power to wipe out the world.

In order for the power over theory to work, an ’other’ must
be defined by creating distinctions (no matter how false)
between people, cultures and so on. The other can be a
person, country, ethnic group, etc. This theory is the
lifeblood of militarism, which depends on the creating of an
other by declaring distinctions between two groups. The other
is then asserted to be ’less than’. Once that definition is
made, then the other must be protected or destroyed.

All too commonly, whether implicitly or explicitly, women are
the ’other’. Consequently, it becomes necessary in the eyes
of those who seek Power Over to control and belittle women,
and all aspects of womanhood. In many cultures, women are
viewed as the possessions of their men. Therefore, when a
woman is raped, it is effectively an attack on the manhood of
her man. Using this reasoning, women become the targets of
war in order to attack the honor of the men of a particular
culture, ethnic group or country. For these reasons, rape and
other forms of sexual assault against women are always a part
of war and conflict. When women are assumed to be possessions
that can be attacked, stolen and dishonored, they become a
means of feminizing and degrading the enemy.

Many types of violence against women are exacerbated by
militarism, including the indirect effects on civilian
populations and post-conflict situations. These include:
Rape/sexual assault and harassment both within the military
and perpetrated on civilian populations. Domestic violence.
Prostitution, pornography and trafficking.

Since the beginning of the patriarchal age, women have been
considered the spoils of war, invisibilized under the
euphemistic phrase, ’collateral damage’. In Rwanda, at least
250,000 women were raped in the 1994 genocide. During the
1990’s, more than 20,000 Muslim women were raped as part of
an ethnic cleansing campaign in Bosnia. And as recently as
2003, the U.N. reported thousands of women and girls had been
raped during fighting in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Gang rape was so widespread and brutal that doctors began
classifying vaginal destruction as a combat-related crime.

Military training frequently encourages the hatred and
belittling of women. The use of gender slurs motivate men to
act aggressively, both toward women within their own culture
and women of the ’other’ culture. Pornography and
prostitution have always been unofficially sanctioned forms
of entertainment for soldiers. Until 1999, pornography could
easily be purchased by servicemen at U.S. military base
commissaries, which were one of the largest purchasers of
hard core pornography. It’s removal cost the commissaries at
least $10 million.

Prostitution is another perennial side effect of military
action. There has always been an unspoken U.S. military
policy of keeping the men happy. An active sex industry for
military R and R has been consistently allowed and encouraged
to flourish, in direct violation of U.S. and international
law. Women are forced into prostitution as de facto sex
slaves for the military in a variety of ways, such as false
employment promises, being sold by their families, abduction,
etc. It is no surprise that trafficking routes tend to spring
up near military bases. More than 5000 women, mainly from the
Philippines and the former Soviet Union were trafficked into
South Korea in the mid 1990’s, primarily to work as
’entertainers’ at bars near U.S. military bases.

Women within the military are also considered fair targets.
In a recent study, 30% of female veterans reported
experiencing rape or attempted rape by U.S. servicemen.
According to a Department of Defense survey, one in five
female cadets at the Air Force Academy said they had been
sexually assaulted during their time there. Unfortunately
many of these assaults were not reported when they occurred
because the victims feared retaliation, such as damage to
their careers or being accused of being disloyal or
unpatriotic.

Sexual harassment has long plagued women in the military. The
Tailhook Scandal illustrates the depth of the problem. In
that case, over 50 officers were implicated in making women
run a gauntlet where they were man-handled in a variety of
sexual ways. Six other officers were accused of blocking the
investigation into the scandal. What is most significant is
that despite Congressional hearings and massive news
coverage, none of those implicated were ever court martialed
or prosecuted in civilian courts.

There is also a long history of domestic violence within the
military culture. There have been 218 domestic murders in the
U.S. Military since 1995. While there are services available
for military families who experience domestic violence, the
system makes it hard for military wives to report DV.

In general there are very few safeguards for the victim.
Batterers are rarely prosecuted or even barred from getting
near their victims. The attitude of commanders when told of
domestic violence incidents has tended to be, "I’ll take care
of it, he’s my soldier," rather than one of protecting the
victim. It is not uncommon for commanders to ignore orders
for anger management counseling and the like when it
conflicts with military assignments. In fact, the military
has handled most cases of domestic violence by administrative
actions rather than by court martial. In sharp contrast, in
1990, 80% of civilian cases were referred for prosecution.

The effects of militarism during post-conflict periods are
also quite grave. Men returning from ’war’ frequently
transfer their entitlement to commit violence from the
battlefield to their own communities. For example, after the
supposed end to the war in Afghanistan, the condition for
women in that country has worsened considerably. Rape, forced
prostitution and marriages, acid burnings, the bombing of
girls’ schools, and the sale of women are daily atrocities.
And here in the U.S., 3 soldiers returning from duty in
Afghanistan promptly killed their wives at Fort Bragg, North
Carolina.

The time has come when we can no longer deny that misogynist
violence is a major component of militaristic power over
thinking, as well as a significant part of the global
pandemic of violence against women. But we must go beyond
that and recognize the reality that men’s violence against
women is so prevalent, that even in ’peacetime’, there is no
peace for women. According to a recent UNIFEM report, one in
three women will be sexually assaulted during their lifetime.
According to the U.S. Justice Department, every ninety
seconds, a person over the age of 12 is sexually assaulted.
89% of the victims are female, 99% of the perpetrators are
male. It is therefore critical that those who are working to
raise awareness about misogynist violence and those who are
working to end militarism recognize the intersection of their
agendas and find ways to work together.

Towards this end, there are many tools that can and should be
used. These include the implementation of UNSC 1325 and CEDAW
as well as the utilization of the ICC.

The International Criminal Court, established by treaty in
2002, codifies accountability for gender-based crimes against
women during military conflict by defining sexual and gender
violence of all kinds as war crimes. It also includes means
to facilitate better investigation of these crimes and
protection of witnesses and victims as well as legal counsel
for victims.

UNSC Resolution 1325 mandates the protection of, and respect
for, the human rights of women and girls, and calls for the
increased representation of women in decision-making for the
prevention, management and resolution of conflict and peace
processes. It also calls for increasing the number of women
appointed as special representatives. Other provisions
include support of local women’s peace initiatives and
respect for international law applicable to the rights and
protection of women and girls. It calls for adopting special
measures to protect women and girls from gender-based
violence, and calls for ensuring that Security Council
missions take gender considerations and rights of women into
account, including through consultation with local and
international women’s groups.

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), was adopted in 1979 by
the UN General Assembly. It defines discrimination against
women as, "...any distinction, exclusion or restriction made
on the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of
impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or
exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on a
basis of equality of men and women, of human rights and
fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social,
cultural, civil or any other field." CEDAW has frequently
been referred to as a bill of human rights for women.

It is important to know that the U.S. does not participate in
the International Criminal Court and has not signed UNSC 1325
or ratified CEDAW. However, both Iraq and Afghanistan have
agreed to all three measures and therefore a case can be made
that they are applicable to the situations in those
countries. In particular, it should be obvious that violence
always violates the human rights of the victims and
therefore, UNSC 1325 and CEDAW are obviously applicable to
these conflicts. In addition, the documented pandemic of
rapes in both of these countries should certainly be
addressed by the ICC.

Beyond demanding the utilization of these tools, it is also
necessary to speak out against men’s sexism and violence. We
need to name these for what they are, and make the connection
between this toxic sense of male entitlement and the
militarism that is killing women.

Finally, we need to find and travel different paths to
empowerment. We need to utilize what Riane Eisler calls
partnership thinking, to create a sustainable system that
derives its power from within and among rather than from
power over. As Eisler points out, in a partnership society,
based on egalitarian and democratic values, there is a low
degree of violence because it is not needed to preserve
domination over as it is in patriarchy. Among other things,
accomplishing this requires a shift in spending priorities.
For instance, we know that quality childcare and good
education greatly impact a child’s ability to grow into a
capable adult. Yet the amount we spend on training educators
and childcare providers is a minute fraction of what we spend
on training and enabling soldiers to kill. Thus, militarism
is enabled to play a disproportionate role in socializing
people to accept violence and patriarchy as the norm. By
shifting spending priorities, we could begin to change the
process of socialization that allows power over gender
domination to one of constructive partnership.

Lucinda Marshall is a feminist artist, writer and activist.
She is the Founder and Co-Moderator of the Feminist Peace
Network, www.feministpeacenetwork.org..

She is the Co-facilitator of a workshop about militarism and
violence against women, that she developed with Rus Ervin
Funk of Men Ending Violence and the Center for Women and
Families in Louisville, KY, . This article is based in part
on material offered in that workshop.

Endnotes:

1. Evans, Patricia. The Verbally Abusive Relationship: How to
recognize it and how to respond, Avon Media Corporation,
Avon, Massachusetts, 1996, p. 29. It is interesting to note
that this book focuses on power over in personal
relationships, yet right at the beginning, she makes the
connection between the personal and political.

2. Women, War, Peace and Violence Against Women,
www.womenwarpeace.org/isues/violence.htm.

3. " Rape So Common In D.R.C., It Is Considered Combat
Injury", U.N. Wire, October 27, 2003,
http://www.unwire.org/UNWire/20031027/449_9787.asp.

4. "The Pentagon Takes Aim on Pornography", Kentucky Citizen
Digest. March, 1999,
www.tffky.org/articles/1999/199903dc.htm.

5. Raja, Kanaga. "Women From Philippines And Former USSR
Trafficked Into South Korea For Sex", Third World Network
Features, September, 2002, www.twnside.org/sg/title/2396.htm.

6. Herdy, Amy and Moffeit, Miles. "Female GIs Report Rapes In
Iraq War: 37 Seek Aid After Alleging Sex Assaults By U.S.
Soldiers", Denver Post, January 25, 2004. In just the last
few months, we have learned that 88 cases of sexual assault
have been reported by soldiers in the Gulf region during the
U.S.’s current invasion of Iraq, with 37 women seeking
assistance upon returning from active duty. The women
reported not being able to get appropriate help when the
incidents occurred.

7. Herdy, Amy and Moffeit, Miles. "Betrayal In The Ranks: For
Crime Victims, Punishment", Denver Post, Nov. 16, 2003. This
is one of an excellent series of articles. The reporters have
continued to report on this story as it unfolds.

8. "Air Force Academy: Few Cases Resolved", Kansas City Star,
February 5, 2003. Since new leadership took over in April,
2003, 21 cases of sexual misconduct have been reported at the
Air Force Academy. Only four cases have been resolved with
only one case resulting in criminal prosecution. In that case
the perpetrator was sentenced to 100 hours of community
service.

9. "The Tailhook Scandal", 1994,
www.galegroup.com/free.resources/whm/trials/tailhook.htm.

10. Also from Herdy and Moffeit’s "Betrayal In The Ranks: For
Crime Victims, Punishment".

11. See www.rawa.org for numerous reports.

12. "One In Three Women Worldwide Could Suffer Violence
Directed At Her Simply Because She Is Female", UNIFEM,
November 24, 2003,
http://www.unifem.org/pressreleases.php?f_page_pid=
6&f_pritem_pid=149.

13. "Sexual Assault Statistics", www.stopfamilyviolence.org.

14. Jefferson, LaShawn R., "Human Rights Watch World Report
2004, In War as in Peace: Sexual Violence and Women’s
Status", January, 2004, http://www.hrw.org/wr2k4/15.htm.

15. Dixit, Promila, Time Out! Women Call Premptive Strike For
Peace: Open Letter to the United Nations Security Council,
Spring, 2003. As a member of WILPF, Promila Dixit has worked
tirelessly for the enforcement of UNSC 1325.

16. "International Obligations To Protect Women’s Rights",
Amnesty International, October, 2003.

17. Eisler, Riane, "Work, Values and Caring: The Economic
Imperative For Revisioning The Rules of the Game", Center for
Partnership Studies, Pacific Grove, CA, 2003. Eisler’s The
Chalice and The Blade: Our History, Our Future is also
critical reading on this subject.